Construal level theory

Overview

Construal level theory explains some important findings. For example, employees are less likely to perceive a proposed initiative as desirable, if this development could be introduced in the immediate--rather than remote--future (Eyal, Liberman, Trope, & Walther, 2004). In addition, individuals demonstrate more self discipline, and can thus avoid temptations, after they consider why, not how, they will engage in various behaviors (Fujita, Trope, Liberman, & Levin-Sagi, 2006). Furthermore, individuals are more likely to negotiate effectively with each other-identifying an outcome that satisfies both parties-if they imagine their lives in the future or if the outcome of this dispute will not be implemented for several months (Henderson, Trope, & Carnevale, 2006).

According to construal level theory, objects, events, or individuals can be perceived as either close or distant. For example, an object might be nearby or remote in space (Fujita, Henderson, Eng, Trope, & Liberman, 2005). In addition, an event might unfold very soon or farther in the future (Liberman & Trope, 1998; Liberman, Sagristano, & Trope, 2002; Trope & Liberman, 2000, 2003). Likewise, an event might be likely, and thus effectively close, or hypothetical and unlikely, and thus effectively distant (Todorov, Goren, & Trope, 2007; Wakslak, Trope, Liberman, & Alony, 2006). Finally, an event might be experienced from the perspective of individuals themselves, and thus close, or from the perspective of an observer, and thus distant (Eyal, Liberman, & Trope, 2008).

The key premise of this theory is that distant objects, events, or individuals are classified or represented as abstract, intangible, unobservable, and broad concepts. In contrast, close objects, events, or individuals are represented with concrete, specific, observable, or discrete features.

To illustrate, consider a person who donates some cash to a charity. Individuals who perceive this person as distant--perhaps because this behavior was supposedly enacted many years ago--might conceptualize this act as "being altruistic". This description does not refer to any observable features, but is merely an abstract depiction of the event. In contrast, individuals who perceive this person as close--perhaps because the behavior was supposedly enacted an hour ago in the next room--might conceptualize this act as "contributing money". This description portrays an observable action, not an abstract concept.

When individuals refer to abstract concepts, they usually consider the core properties of an object, event, person, or proposal. When individuals focus on concrete features, they often consider peripheral qualities.

Consequences of construal level

Primary versus secondary features

When individuals conceptualize objects abstractly, because of a sense of psychological distance, they tend to focus on core or primary properties not peripheral or secondary features. For example, in a study conducted by Trope and Liberman (2000), individuals had to evaluate an object, such as a radio set. If the radio set could be purchased only in the distant future, individuals focused on core properties, such as the quality of sound, when evaluating this product. If the radio set would be purchased more immediately, individuals focused on peripheral features, such as the whether or not the clock was accurate.

Morality

When individuals experience a sense of distance from an event or act, and thus conceptualize the episode abstractly, they are more likely apply broad moral principles when they evaluate behavior. That is, individuals tend to disregard any mitigating factors (Eyal, Liberman, & Trope, 2008). For example, they will perceive stealing as immoral and donations as moral, regardless of the context. That is, even stealing to support a family will be perceived as immoral and donations to secure credibility or power will be perceived as moral.

Specifically, in a set of studies conducted by Eyal, Liberman, and Trope (2008), participants were asked to imagine events that were perpetrated either the next day or the next year. For example, they were asked to imagine a family eating the meat of their dog that had died recently. This act was more likely to be perceived as wrong if undertaken the next year than if undertaken the next day. That is, if distant in time, participants were more likely to apply the principle that family dogs should not be eaten.

Likewise, moral acts, such as adopting a child with birth defects, were perceived as more virtuous if undertaken the next year than if undertaken the next day. Again, if distant in time, participants were more inclined to apply the principle that adopting a child with birth defects is moral.

Self control

As Fujita, Trope, Liberman, and Levin-Sagi (2006) showed, an abstract construal seems to enhance the capacity of individuals to exhibit self control--to resist temptations and to inhibit unsuitable inclinations. After individuals considered why, rather than how, they will engage in some activity, they preferred larger rewards in the future than smaller awards now. Hence, an abstract construal, which is evoked after individuals reflect upon why they will enact some behavior, elicits a pursuit of future objectives rather than more immediate needs.

Indeed, Fujita and Han (2009) showed that an abstract construal not only improves the capacity of individuals to inhibit temptations, but also affects the attitudes of individuals. Specifically, when individuals adopt an abstract rather than concrete construal, they form negative attitudes towards temptations.

To verify this proposition, in a series of studies conducted by Fujita and Han (2009), either an abstract or concrete construal was first evoked in participants. For example, in one study, a series of words, like dog, were presented. Participants were instructed to identify a category to which these words belonged, such as animal, or an exemplar of these words, such as poodle--to instill an abstract or concrete construal respectively.

Next, participants completed an implicit association test (e.g., Greenwald, McGhee & Schwartz, 1998; see Implicit association tests) . In particular, a series of items appeared on a screen. Participants needed to press one button when the item was an apple, such as Fuji, and another button when the item was a candy bar, such as Twix. Furthermore, participants needed to press on button when the item was a positive word, such as love, and another button when the item was a negative word, such as murder. Some individuals perform this task more proficiently when the same button is assigned to both apples and positive terms rather than assigned to apples and negative terms. This pattern of performance indicates the individual associates apples with positive terms; that is, their attitudes towards apples must be positive.

After an abstract construal was evoked, individuals were more inclined to associate apples, rather than candy bars, with positive terms. Their attitudes towards apples were thus positive. Indeed, when asked whether they would choose an apple or candy bar now, they tended to select the fruit. In contrast, after a concrete construal was evoked, individuals were more inclined to demonstrate positive attitudes towards candy bars instead (for related findings, see Schmeichel & Vohs, 2009).

Self presentation

Construal level might also affect the strategies that individuals apply to depict themselves favorably. Specifically, to demonstrate their value to someone else, individuals can utilize a variety of strategies or tactics. These strategies or tactics can be divided into two classes: direct and indirect (Cialdini, 1989).

Usually, when individuals apply direct strategies, they emphasize their personal achievements or qualities. They might highlight their qualifications, for example, or feign modesty (see Schutz, 1997). In contrast, when individuals utilize indirect strategies, they often emphasize their connections with someone else--or something else--that is often regarded favorably (Cialdini & Richardson, 1980). They might highlight they collaborated with someone who is renowned, for example, sometimes called basking in reflected glory (Cialdini, Borden, Thorne, Walker, Freeman, & Sloan, 1976).

In contrast to direct strategies, indirect strategies often allude to more abstract and intangible qualities rather than concrete and specific details. Individuals often refer to the concept of we when they refer to some broad class or team (Cialdini, Borden, Thorne, Walker, Freeman, & Sloan, 1976). This class or team is an abstract entity--not as specific and definitively as an individual person.

When individuals adopt an abstract construal, they should be thus more inclined to select strategies that refer to intangible entities. Hence, they should often apply indirect rather than direct strategies. In contrast, when individuals adopt a concrete construal, they should be more inclined to select strategies that allude to specific details. They should, therefore, tend to prefer direct strategies.

Carter and Sanna (2008) generated data that aligns with this proposition. In the first study, to manipulate construal level, they imagined meeting someone wither immediately or in three months. Next, they specified which statements they might present to form a positive impression in this person--who was a potential employer. Participants who imagined meeting the person in the future, which should induce the preference towards an abstract construal, were more inclined to apply indirect strategies.

Self clarity

When individuals adopt an abstract construal, they experience a sense of self clarity (Wakslak & Trope, 2009). That is, they become less cognizant of contradictions and conflicts in their personality. Presumably, after an abstract construal is evoked, individuals orient their attention towards more enduring, unobservable traits (cf. Nussbaum, Trope, & Liberman, 2000). As a consequence, individuals become more aware of their own core, enduring qualities--shifting attention away from their peripheral, and sometimes conflicting, characteristics.

To illustrate, in one study, some of the participants contemplated their most important value to affirm the self, which putatively evokes an abstract construal (Wakslak & Trope, 2009). After this manipulation, they completed a measure of self clarity, developed by Campbell, Trapnell, Heine, Katz, Lavalee, and Lehman (1996). After their most important value was considered, participants were less inclined to endorse questions such as "I seldom experience conflict between the different aspects of my personality" and "My belief about myself seems to change very frequently".

Congruence of goals and wellbeing

When individuals adopt an abstract construal, they are more inclined to perceive their goals, purpose, and striving as consistent with one another. Freitas, Clark, Kim, and Levy (2009) introduced a simple example to convey this proposition. Individuals might, for example, strive to both "excel at work" and "avoid unhealthy food". If a concrete construal is adopted, these activities do not necessarily cohere with one another. If an abstract construal is adopted, however, both of these activities could be integrated with the same broader aspiration, such as achieving competence.

To assess this possibility, Freitas, Clark, Kim, and Levy (2009) conducted a study in which participants first completed the behavior identification form (Vallacher & Wegner, 1989)--a procedure that established whether they tend to allude to tangible activities rather than to abstract conceptualizations when they describe courses of action. Second, they completed a measure, intended to assess the extent to which their goals are coherent. In particular, participants enumerated 10 personal goals, purposes, and strivings--and then specified the degree to which these aspirations facilitate or obstruct one another (cf., Emmons & King, 1988).

Individuals who adopted an abstract construal were more inclined to perceive their goals as consistent with one another. Furthermore, as another study showed, this abstract construal also coincided with positive affective states, even after controlling self esteem or meaning in life (Freitas, Clark, Kim, & Levy, 2009). Presumably, the concordance of goals, an experience that corresponds to an abstract construal, translates into positive emotional experiences.

Coping with negative experiences

After individuals experience a negative event, such as the death of a family member, they might ruminate about this episode. That is, they might, in essence, relive this event many times, as if they were experiencing the anguish and distress again. These ruminations tend to be ineffective, compromising well-being (e.g., Smith & Alloy, 2009).

In contrast, after these events, some individuals reflect more systematically and adaptively on these episodes. These reflections tend to uncover insights, ultimately facilitating recovery (e.g., Wilson & Gilbert, 2008).

When individuals distance themselves from some event, they are more inclined to reflect on this episode rather than ruminate, enhancing their capacity to recover. That is, if individuals consider this event from the perspective of someone else, as if detached from the episode themselves, reflection prevails and coping improves. In contrast, if individuals feel immersed in this event as they remember the episode, rumination prevails and coping is inhibited. Indeed a variety of experimental (e.g., Kross & Aydyk, 2008) and correlational studies (e.g., Ayduk & Kross, 2010) have substantiated this proposition.

To illustrate, in the study conducted by Ayduk and Kross (2010), individuals reflected upon a previous event in which they felt rejected. The extent to which they observed this event from the perspective of an observer was assessed as was their inclination to avoid thinking about the event. Furthermore, the emotions they experienced when they deliberated over this event was assessed. Finally, whether the individuals tended to merely recount the event or reconstruct the episode, experiencing insight and realization, was determined, by asking individuals to report their thoughts. The same questions were then assessed seven weeks later.

As hypothesized, when individuals considered the event from the perspective of someone else, experiencing a sense of distance from the episode, they seemed to recover more effectively. They were more likely to reconstruct, instead of merely recount, the event. They were also less inclined to experience negative emotions, or intrusive memories, while contemplating the episode.

Subsequent studies also showed that reflection did not increase the likelihood of avoidance. If individuals distanced themselves from this event, envisaging the perspective of someone else, they did not demonstrate avoidance. They did not, for example, endorse items like "I tried to remove (the event) from memory". Similarly, when individuals imagined the event from the perspective of someone else, the time they dedicated to this reflection did not diminish--another indication they did not avoid the episode. Finally, this tendency of individuals to distance themselves from the event was unrelated to whether they reappraised or suppressed the event but positively related to collaborative behavior during conflicts (e.g., Ayduk & Kross, 2010).

Insight

An abstract construal might also curb anger. In a study conducted by Ray, Wilhelm, and Gross (2008), participants were instructed to write about a recent episode, such as a conflict, that provoked anger. Some participants wrote about this event from their own perspective, almost reliving the experience. Other participants wrote about this event from the perspective of another person, like a mediator observing the conflict.

If participants reflected upon this event from the perspective of an independent person, they were more likely to use words like "realize", "discover", "change", "difference", or other terms that correspond to change or insight during the description (for more information, see Word count method). Furthermore, they were less likely to experience anger.

Conceivably, when individuals consider an event from the perspective of someone else, they tend to adopt an abstract construal (e.g., Broemer, Grabowski, Gebauer, Ermel, & Diehl, 2008). This abstract construal enables individuals to identify broad themes that underpin several distinct issues. As a consequence, they experience insight, which can ultimately curb emotional distress (see Writing about traumas).

Creativity

In general, an abstract construal improves creativity. For example, in a study conducted by Forster, Friedman, and Liberman (2004), participants needed to identify many creative, novel reasons for individuals to greet another person, such as to practice an accent. Some participants had previously reflected upon the remote future, which evokes an abstract construal. Other participants had previously reflected upon their immediate future, which is more likely to elicit a concrete construal. Participants uncovered more creative answers after an abstract, rather than concrete, construal was elicited.

Attentional tuning theory (Friedman & Forster, 2008), which is underpinning by construal level theory, was formulated to explain the finding that an abstract construal enhances creativity thinking and a concrete construal enhances analytic thinking (e.g, Friedman & Forster, 2005; Ward, 1995). Specifically, according to this theory, an abstract construal activates a broader array of concepts and inclinations. That is, when an abstract construal is adopted, broad categories become salient, and all the exemplars of this category become partially activated. Hence, an abstract construal will underscore a more diverse array of possibilities and associations with the immediate problem, facilitating creativity.

In contrast, the application of logical rules, called analytic thinking, improves when individuals adopt a concrete construal (cf., Derryberry & Reed, 1998). In particular, a concrete construal ensures that individuals do not confuse similar, but distinct, rules.

Manipulations and measures of distance

Several protocols have been applied to manipulate psychological distance.

Temporal distance

To manipulate temporal distance, participants are often asked to imagine an event will unfold either the next day or the next year (e.g., Eyal, Liberman, & Trope, 2008, Studies 2 & 4). Alternatively, when participants reflect upon a previous event, they could be asked to consider this episode from the perspective of themselves now or from the perspective of themselves several years in the future (e.g., Broemer, Grabowski, Gebauer, Ermel, & Diehl, 2008).

In lieu of these manipulations, or after these manipulations, researchers can also measure perceptions of temporal distance. For example, Broemer, Grabowski, Gebauer, Ermel, and Diehl (2008) asked individuals whether some event felt very close, like yesterday or felt very distance, a long time ago, on a 7 point scale.

Similarly, in a study conducted by Carter and Sanna (2008), individuals imagined participating in an interview. Participants were asked to specify a series of indirect or direct strategies they could apply to improve their credibility in this interview. Some participants were told to specify three strategies--a relatively simple task. Other participants were told to specific 12 strategies--a difficult task.

Next, participants were instructed to specify whether the interview felt subjectively near or far in time, on two scales from feels very near to feels very distant and from feels very close to feels very far away (see also Ross & Wilson, 2002; Sanna, Chang, & Carter, 2004).

Individuals instructed to uncover three indirect strategies were more likely to perceive the meeting as far away in time. These individuals can readily undertake this task, and thus assume they could uncover many more of these indirect strategies. Indirect strategies were thus accessible, which coincides with a distant construal.

Social distance

To manipulate social distance, participants are sometimes asked to imagine events from the perspective of themselves or from the perspective of a friend, colleague, neighbor, or relative (e.g., Eyal, Liberman, & Trope, 2008, Study 3; Broemer, Grabowski, Gebauer, Ermel, & Diehl, 2008).

Emotional intensity

Events that evoke intense emotions are perceived, in some sense, as close rather than distant (Van Boven, Kane, McGraw, & Dale, 2010). For example, in one study, individuals were asked to describe embarrassing events in their past either with or without emotion. That is, they were told to relive the event, experiencing the emotions again, or to confine their descriptions to objective features. Next, they were asked to specify whether the event felt close or distant in time. Emotional descriptions increased the likelihood these events seemed close in time (Van Boven, Kane, McGraw, & Dale, 2010).

A similar pattern of observations emerges when individuals are asked to describe future possibilities, such as visit a dentist (Van Boven, Kane, McGraw, & Dale, 2010). Furthermore, this pattern persists regardless of whether or not the event is positive or negative in emotion (Van Boven, Kane, McGraw, & Dale, 2010).

Individuals tend to associate close events with intense emotions. Thus, events that evoke emotions are perceived as close in time. If individuals are informed their emotions could be ascribed to some other factor, this effect dissipates (Van Boven, Kane, McGraw, & Dale, 2010).

Manipulations and determinants of construal

Why versus how

To activate an abstract construal, in some studies, participants are asked to consider why some event transpired. To activate a concrete construal, participants are asked to consider how some event transpired.

For example, in a study conducted by Watkins, Moberly, and Moulds (2008), participants reflected upon a series of written scenarios, such as an argument with a friend or a job interview. After each scenarios, to prime an abstract construal, some participants were asked to reflect upon "why (the scenario) happened, and to analyze the causes, meansing, and implications of this event". To prime a concrete construal, some participants were asked to reflect upon "how (the scenario) happened and to imagine in your mind as vividly as possible a "movie" of how this event unfolded".

As a manipulation check, participants reflected upon strategies to overcome a disagreement with their manager. Judges then rated whether the responses were abstract--that is, indistinct, not specific to one situation, equivocal, unclear, and aggregated--or concrete--that is, distinct, specific to the situation, unequivocal, clear, and singular.

Superordinate categories versus subordinate exemplars

In some studies, to evoke an abstract construal, a series of words, such as dog or car, appears on a screen. Participants are instructed to specify a category to which these words belong, such as animal or vehicle (Fujita & Han, 2009; Fujita, Trope, Liberman, & Levin-Sagi, 2006). To evoke a concrete construal, participants are instructed to specify an exemplar of each word, such as poodle or Ford.

This manipulation has shown to evoke the manifestations of abstract and concrete construals. For example, when participants specify the category to which various words belong--putatively eliciting an abstract construal--they resist temptations, striving to pursue broader values instead (Fujita & Han, 2009). This emphasis on broader values is indeed related to an abstract construal (e.g., Liberman, Trope, & Stephan, 2007).

Mood and performance

Studies have also demonstrated that mood affects the construal that individuals adopt. When individuals experience a positive--rather than negative--mood, they prefer references to global traits rather than descriptions of specific behaviors (Isbell, Burns, & Haar, 2005).

Similarly, according to Action Identification Theory, proposed by Vallacher and Wegner (1987), erroneous actions tend to evoke a concrete construal. That is, after errors are committed, individuals tend to orient their attention to details, primarily to ascertain the source of these failures.

Action identification theory specifies the settings in which abstract and concrete construals--referred to as high and low levels--are most applicable (Vallacher, Wegner, & Somoza, 1989; Wegner & Vallacher, 1986). One of the key principles of this theory is the optimality hypothesis. According to this principle, when tasks are difficult, complex, or unfamiliar, lower level action identifications, or a concrete construal, are especially beneficial. When tasks are simple and familiar, higher level action identifications, or an abstract construal, are more beneficial.

To illustrate, when individuals develop a skill, such as golf, they should orient their attention to tangible details on how to perform some act, such as "I will ensure my front arm remains straight". If individuals are experienced, however, they should orient their attention to intangible consequences or motivations, such as "I will outperform my friends".

Vallacher, Wegner, and Somoza (1989) uncovered some findings that are consistent with this proposition. Participants presented a speech. Some of the participants were instructed to focus attention to their voice, representing a low level action identification. Other participants were instructed to speak persuasively, representing a high level action identification. If the audience was conceptualized as difficult to persuade, anxiety dissipated when a low level action identification was adopted. If the audience was conceptualized as easy to persuade, anxiety diminished when a high level action identification was adopted.

Nevertheless, action identification theory assumes that individuals, when stressed, might not always operate at the most suitable level. When they complete an unfamiliar task, they might focus on high level goals, called identity inflation, which compromises performance.

Support from other individuals

Individuals may also be more inclined to adopt an abstract, rather than concrete, construal when they interact with a supportive person or group. In a study conducted by Beukeboom (2009), for example, participants, together with two other individuals, watched a video clip. Next participants were instructed to depict the events of this video clip to the other two individuals--who they did not know were actually confederates. While the participants presented this description, the confederates either smiled and nodded supportively or frowned disapprovingly.

When the confederates acted supportively, the participants alluded to intangible, abstract concepts, using adjectives or describing mental states. In contrast, when the confederates acted disparagingly, the participants alluded to tangible, concrete concepts, referring to observable actions (Beukeboom, 2009).

Presumably, if the audience seems disapproving, individuals feel their message has been rejected or has not been understood. They feel they have not developed a shared understanding or perspective. Accordingly, individuals feel they must refer to specific, tangible details--references that can be understood even without a shared understanding.

Similarly, as Krauss and Fussell (1991; see also Isaacs & Clark, 1987) showed, when individuals feel they share a common perspective with someone else, they seldom refer to specific, tangible details. In a typical study, participants are instructed to describe abstract patterns, composed of shapes and lines. If they felt they had cultivated a common understanding with the person to whom they were interacting, they would often describe this pattern figuratively--with analogies such as "like a spider". If they had felt they had not cultivated this shared understanding, they would refer to the details, including the specific lines or shapes.

Love versus sex

According to Forster, Epstude, and Ozelsel (2009), when love is salient, individuals are more likely to demonstrate an abstract construal, orienting their attention to intangible concepts. When sex is salient, individuals are more inclined to demonstrate a concrete construal, orienting their attention to tangible details.

Specifically, romantic love highlights an enduring desire or commitment. Individuals, thus, become more inclined to contemplate the future. Any focus on the remote future tends to elicit an abstract construal. In contrast, sexual desire highlights more immediate objectives and tangible acts. This focus on immediate needs tends to evoke a concrete construal.

Forster, Epstude, and Ozelsel (2009) conducted two studies to assess these premises. To orient their attention to love, some participants imagined a long walk with a beloved partner. To orient their attention to sex, other participants imagined casual sex with someone with whom they were not in love. Next, they completed a series of tasks that demand creative insight to solve, such as how a person realized an ancient coin, stamped 544 BC on one side, was a fake. Furthermore, they completed a series of tasks that demand the application of logical rules.

When participants oriented their attention towards love, they performed well on the task that demands creative insight--a task that usually benefits from an abstract construal (Friedman & Forster, 2008). When participants oriented their attention towards sex, they performed well on the task that demands analytical thinking--a task that usually benefits from a concrete construal.

The second study was similar, except participants also completed a task to determine whether they applied an abstract or concrete construal. Specifically, they completed a task adapted from Gasper (2004; Gasper & Clore, 2002) to assess whether individuals focus on the overall pattern or specific details. love, in contrast to sex, did evoke an orientation towards the global pattern of stimuli.

Novelty

Novel events have also been shown to foster an abstract construal (Forster, 2009). That is, according to Forster, when individuals are exposed to a novel event--activities or objects that seem unfamiliar--they need to categorize this information. That is, they must categorize these events, primarily to integrate this information into existing knowledge structures. They might, for example, need to decide whether an event is a social interaction or a threat. To fulfill this goal, individuals need to uncover the essence of these events, which corresponds to an abstract rather than concrete construal.

Consistent with this proposition, Forster (2009) showed that novel events promoted abstract thinking. A unknown character was presented subliminally 0, 5, 15, or 40 times. Then, this character was presented again. If the character had not been presented earlier, and thus was novel, individuals could subsequently identify patterns more effectively than details, as gauged by a local-global task. Similarly, when asked to specify the meaning of an unfamiliar symbol, their answers were more abstract and intangible rather than concrete and specific.

Liu (2008), however, uncovered some findings that challenge these arguments. In her study, participants had to decide between two alternatives--such as two destinations on a hiking trip, two printers, two sets of bed linen, or two rental cars. One of the alternatives was very desirable but not feasible. These alternatives were more rewarding or versatile but also risky or expensive. The other alternative was very feasible but not especially desirable.

The findings were very informative. If individuals were interrupted while choosing between these options, they were especially likely to prefer the desirable alternative to the feasible alternative. In contrast, if individuals were not interrupted during this decision, they were more likely to prefer the feasible alternative (Liu, 2008).

At first glance, these findings contradict construal level theory. That is, as Liu (2008) maintains, when individuals return to an initial decision after an interruption, the information no longer seems novel. When novelty diminishes, a concrete construal should prevail, as Forster (2009) showed. A concrete construal coincides with an emphasis on feasibility and logistics rather than desirability or value (see Bagazzo & Dholakia, 1999). Hence, contrary to the observations reported by Liu (2008), when individuals are interrupted, the diminution of novelty should evoke a concrete construal and thus a preference towards the feasible alternative.

Indeed, Liu (2008) argues that novelty should evoke a concrete, not an abstract, construal--contrary to the observations reported by Forster (2009). Specifically, novel stimuli should attract attention automatically (see Kahneman, 1973; Payne & Bettman, 2004). Hence, the direction of attention should be guided by data in the environment rather than preconceptions, theories, and goals--sometimes called data driven or bottom-up processing (e.g., Hauser, 1986; Johnson, 1984; Park & Smith, 1989). Familiar stimuli do not attract automatically. Thus, the direction of attention is not guided by data in the environment, but governed by preconceptions, theories, and goals, called goal-directed or top-down processing.

According to Liu (2008), bottom-up processes focus on specific features in the environment rather than abstract concepts and goals. Top-down processes focus on abstract concepts and goals. Taken together, these arguments, as proposed by Liu (2008), imply that novelty should evoke bottom-up processes and thus a concrete construal.

Conceivably, the study conducted by Forster (2009) can be ascribed to an alternative explanation. Items, if exposed several times before, are not only less novel but might be processed more fluently. This fluency could augment the perceived importance of these items. Thus, items, if exposed several times before, might be regarded as more important and thus more worthy of attention. Attention might be automatically attracted to this items, which provokes bottom-up processes and a concrete construal.

In other words, familiarity might correspond to perceived utility. The utility, not the familiarity, of the items might provoke a concrete construal.

Implicit manipulations

Alternative, implicit manipulations of construal level have been applied. For example, in the third study conducted by Watkins, Moberly, and Moulds (2008), participants were instructed to complete word stems, embedded within various paragraphs. For example, to prime an abstract construal, participants read an extract about a romantic interlude and completed the sentence "Getting into the warm bath, you feel very re_axed". The answer, "relaxed", is an abstract, unobservable quality. In contrast, to prime a concrete construal, participants read an extract about a bath flood and completed the sentence "You feel irritated because you are so w_t". The answer "wet" is a concrete, observable quality.

Measures of construal

The behavior identification form, developed by Vallacher and Wegner (1989), was intended to ascertain whether individuals tend to allude to tangible activities rather than to abstract conceptualizations when they describe courses of action. A specific action is presented, such as "ringing a doorbell". Participants then indicate which of two alternatives represent an equivalent description of this action. One of the alternatives represents a concrete variant, sometimes called low-level, such as "moving your finger". The other alternative represents an abstract variant, sometimes called high-level, such as "seeing if someone is home". The measure comprises 25 items. Internal consistency tends to approximate .85 (e.g., Freitas, Clark, Kim, & Levy, 2009).

A variety of other procedures have been also applied to assess whether individuals adopt an abstract or concrete construal. One test, adapted from Gasper (2004; Gasper & Clore, 2002), is used to ascertain whether individuals focus on visual patterns or details (e.g., Forster, Epstude, & Ozelsel, 2009). In particular, a geometrical pattern is presented, such as four small squares, which are arranged to form the corners of a larger square. Next, two more patterns appear below. One pattern forms the same overall shape, in this instance a square, but comprises different elements, perhaps triangles. Another pattern forms a different overall shape, such as a triangle, but comprises the same elements.

Participants must decide which of the two patterns below is most similar to the pattern above. If they select the pattern that is similar in overall shape, they are presumably adopting an abstract construal. If they select the other pattern, participants are presumably adopting a concrete construal. Consistent with this assumption, memories of love rather than sex, which should activate a focus on the future and thus an abstract construal, do increase the likelihood that individuals choose the alternative that is similar in overall design (Forster, Epstude, & Ozelsel, 2009).

References

Ayduk, O., & Kross, E. (2010). From a distance: Implications of spontaneous self-distancing for adaptive self-reflection. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98, 809-829.

Beukeboom, C. J. (2009). When words feel right: How affective expressions of listeners change a speaker's language use. European Journal of Social Psychology, 39, 747-756.

Beukeboom, C., & Semin, G. (2005). Mood and representations of behaviour: The how and why. Cognition and Emotion, 19, 1242-1251.

Broemer, P., Grabowski, A., Gebauer, J. E., Ermel, O., & Diehl, M. (2008). How temporal distance from past selves influences self-perception. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38, 697-714.

Campbell, J. D., Trapnell, P. D., Heine, S. J., Katz, I. M., Lavallee, L. E., & Lehman, D. R. (1996). Self-concept clarity: Measurement, personality correlates, and cultural boundaries. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 141-156.

Carter, S. E., & Sanna, L. J. (2008). It's not just what you say but when you say it: Self-presentation and temporal construal. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44, 1339-1345.

Cialdini, R. B. (1989). Indirect tactics of image management: Beyond basking. In P. Rosenfeld & R. A. Giacalone (Eds.), Impression management in the organization (pp. 45-56). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Cialdini, R. B., Borden, R. J., Thorne, A., Walker, M. R., Freeman, S., & Sloan, L. R. (1976). Basking in reflected glory: Three (football) field studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 366-375.

Cialdini, R. B., & Richardson, K. D. (1980). Two indirect tactics of impression management: Basking and blasting. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 406-415.

Derryberry, D., & Tucker, D. M. ( 1994). Motivating the focus of attention. In P. M. Niedenthal & S. Kitayama (Eds.), Heart's eye: Emotional influences in perception and attention (pp. 167-196). New York: Academic Press.

Derryberry, D., & Reed, M. A. ( 1998). Anxiety and attentional focusing: Trait, state and hemispheric influences. Personality and Individual Differences, 25, 745-761.

Emmons, R. (1996). Striving and feeling: Personal goals and subjective well-being. The psychology of action: Linking cognition and motivation to behavior. New York, NY, US: Guilford Press.

Emmons, R., & King, L. (1988). Conflict among personal strivings: Immediate and long-term implications for psychological and physical well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 1040-1048.

Eyal, T., Liberman, L., & Trope, Y. (2008). Judging near and distant virtue and vice. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44, 1204-1209.

Eyal, T., Liberman, L., Trope, Y., & Walther, E. (2004). The pros and cons of temporally near and distant action. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 86, 781-795.

Forster, J. (2009). Cognitive consequences of novelty and familiarity: How mere exposure influences level of construal. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 444-447.

Forster, J., Epstude, K., & Ozelsel, A. (2009). Why love has wings and sex has not: How reminders of love and sex influence creative and analytic thinking. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35, 1479-1491.

Forster, J., Friedman, R. S., & Liberman, N. (2004). Temporal construal effects on abstract and concrete thinking: Consequences for insight and creative cognition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87, 177-189.

Freitas, A. L., Clark, S. L., Kim, J. Y., & Levy, S. R. (2009). Action-construal levels and perceived conflict among ongoing goals: Implications for positive affect. Journal of Research in Personality, 43, 938-941.

Freitas, A. L., Gollwitzer, P. M., & Trope, Y. (2004). The influence of abstract and concrete mindsets on anticipating and guiding others' self-regulatory efforts. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 40, 739-752.

Freitas, A. L., Langsam, K. L., Clark, S. L., & Moeller, S. J. (2008). Seeing oneself in one's choices: Construal level and self-pertinence of electoral and consumer decisions. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44, 1174-1179.

Freitas, A. L., Salovey, P., & Liberman, N. (2001). Abstract and concrete self-evaluative goals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80, 410-412.

Friedman, R., & Forster, J. (2001). The effects of promotion and prevention cues on creativity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 1001-1013.

Friedman, R., & Forster, J. (2002). The influence of approach and avoidance motor actions on creative cognition. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 41-55.

Friedman, R., & Forster, J. (2005). Effects of motivational cues on perceptual asymmetry: Implications for creativity and analytical problem solving. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 263-275.

Friedman, R., & Forster, J. (2008). Activation and measurement of motivational states. In A. Elliott (Ed.), Handbook of approach and avoidance motivation (pp. 235-246). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Fujita, K., Eyal, T., Chaiken, S., Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2008). Influencing attitudes toward near and distant objects. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 44, 562-572.

Fujita, K., & Han, H, A. (2009). Moving beyond deliberative control of impulses: The effect of construal levels on evaluative associations in self-control conflicts. Psychological Science, 20, 799-804.

Fujita, K., Henderson, M., Eng, J., Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2005). Spatial distance and mental construal of social events. Psychological Science, 17, 278-282.

Fujita, K., Trope, Y., Liberman, N., & Levin-Sagi, M. (2006). Construal levels and self-control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 351-367.

Gasper, K. (2004). Do you see what I see? Affect and visual information processing. Cognition & Emotion, 18, 405-421.

Gasper, K., & Clore, G. L. (2002). Attending to the big picture: Mood and global versus local processing of visual information. Psychological Science, 13, 33-39.

Greenwald, A. G., Nosek, B. A., & Banaji, M. R. (2003). Understanding and using the Implicit Association Test: I. An improved scoring algorithm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 197-216.

Henderson, M. D., Fujita, K., Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2006). Transcending the "here": The effect of spatial distance on social judgment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91, 845-856.

Henderson, M., Trope, Y., & Carnevale, P. J. (2006). Negotiation from a near and distant time perspective. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91, 712-729.

Krauss, R. M., & Fussell, S. R. (1991). Perspective-taking in communication: Representations of others' knowledge in reference. Social Cognition, 9, 2-24.

Krauss, R. M., & Fussell, S. R. (1996). Social psychological models of interpersonal communication. In E. T. Higgins, & A. Kruglanski (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles (pp. 655-701). New York: Guilford Press.

Krauss, R. M., Garlock, C. M., Bricker, P. D., & McMahon, L. E. (1977). The role of audible and visible back channel responses in interpersonal communication. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 35, 523-529.

Krauss, R. M., & Weinheimer, S. (1966). Concurrent feedback, confirmation and the encoding of referents in verbal communication. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 4, 343-346.

Kross, E. (2009). When self becomes other: Toward an integrative understanding of the processes distinguishing adaptive self-reflection from rumination. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1167, 35-40.

Kross, E., & Ayduk, O. (2008). Facilitating adaptive emotional analysis: Short-term and long-term outcomes distinguishing distanced-analysis of negative emotions from immersed-analysis and distraction. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34, 924-938.

Kross, E., & Ayduk, O. (2009). Boundary conditions and buffering effects: Does depressive symptomatology moderate the effectiveness of distanced-analysis on facilitating adaptive self-reflection? Journal of Research in Personality, 43, 923-927.

Kross, E., Ayduk, O., & Mischel, W. (2005). When asking "why" doesn't hurt: Distinguishing reflective processing of negative emotions from rumination. Psychological Science, 16, 709-715.

Isaacs, E. A., & Clark, H. H. (1987). References in conversation between experts and novices. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 116, 26-37.

Isbell, L. M., Burns, K. C., & Haar, T. (2005). The role of affect on the search for global and specific target information. Social Cognition, 23, 529-552.

Labroo, A. A., & Patrick, V. M. (2008). Psychological distancing: Why happiness helps you see the big picture. Journal of Consumer Research, 35, 800-809.

Levy, S., Freitas, A., & Salovey, P. (2002). Construing action abstractly and blurring social distinctions: Implications for perceiving homogeneity among, but also empathizing with and helping, others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 1224-1238.

Liberman, N., Sagristano, M., & Trope, Y. (2002). The effect of temporal distance on level of mental construal. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 523-534.

Liberman, N., & Trope, Y. (1998). The role of feasibility and desirability considerations in near and distant future decisions: A test of temporal construal theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 5-18.

Liberman, N., Trope, Y., McCrea, S. M., & Sherman, S. J. (2007). The effect of level of construal on the temporal distance of activity enactment. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43, 143-149.

Liberman, N., Trope, Y., & Stephan, E. (2007). Psychological distance. In A. W. Kruglanski E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford Press.

Liu, W. (2008). Focusing on desirability: The effect of decision interruption and suspension on preferences. Journal of Consumer Research, 35, 640-652.

Nussbaum, S., Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2003). Creeping dispositionism: The temporal dynamics of behavior prediction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 485-497.

Ray, R. D., Wilhelm, F. H., & Gross, J. J. (2008). All in the mind's eye? Anger rumination and reappraisal. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 133-145.

Ross, M., & Wilson, A. E. (2002). It feels like yesterday: Self-esteem, valence of personal past experiences, and judgments of subjective distance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 792-803.

Sagristano, M., Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2002). Time-dependent gambling: Odds now, money later. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 131, 364-376.

Sanna, L. J., Chang, E. C., & Carter, S. E. (2004). All our troubles seem so far away: Temporal pattern to accessible alternatives and retrospective team appraisals. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 30, 1359-1371.

Schmeichel, B. J., & Vohs, K. D. (2009). Self-affirmation and self-control: Affirming core values counteracts ego depletion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 96, 770-782.

Schutz, A. (1997). Self-presentational tactics of talk-show guests: A comparison of politicians, experts, and entertainers. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 27, 1941-1952.

Sherman, D. A. K., Nelson, L. D., & Steele, C. M. (2000). Do messages about health risks threaten the self? Increasing the acceptance of threatening health messages via self-affirmation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 26, 1046-1058.

Siegel, P. A., Scillitoe, J., & Parks-Yancy, R. (2005). Reducing the tendency to selfhandicap: The effect of self-affirmation. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 41, 589-597.

Smith, J. M., & Alloy, L. B. (2009). A roadmap to rumination: A review of the definition, assessment, and conceptualization of this multifaceted construct. Clinical Psychology Review, 29, 116-128.

Smith, P., & Trope, Y. (2006). You focus on the forest when you're in charge of the trees: Power priming and abstract information processing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 578-596

Todorov, A., Goren, A., & Trope, Y. (2007). Probability as a psychological distance: Construal and preferences. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43, 473-482.

Torelli, C., & Kaikati, A. (2009). Values as predictors of judgments and behaviors: The role of abstract and concrete mindsets. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 96, 231-247.

Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2000). Temporal construal and time-dependent changes in preference. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79, 876-889.

Trope, Y., & Liberman, N. (2003). Temporal construal. Psychological Review, 110, 403-421.

Trope, Y., Liberman, N., & Wakslak, C. J. (2007). Construal levels and psychological distance: Effects on representation, prediction, evaluation, and behavior. Journal of Consumer Psychology, 17, 83-95.

Vallacher, R. R., & Wegner, D. M. (1987). What do people think they are doing? Action identification and human behavior. Psychological Review, 94, 3-15.

Vallacher, R., & Wegner, D. (1989). Levels of personal agency: Individual variation in action identification. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 57, 660-671.

Vallacher, R. R., Wegner, D. M., & Somoza, M. P. (1989). That's easy for you to say: Action identification and speech fluency. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 199-208.

Van Boven, L., Kane, J., McGraw, A. P., & Dale, J. (2010). Feeling close: Emotional intensity reduces perceived psychological distance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 98, 872-885.

Wakslak, C. J., & Trope, Y. (2009). Cognitive consequences of affirming the self: The relationship between self-affirmation and object construal. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 927-932.

Wakslak, C. J., Nussbaum, S., Liberman, N., & Trope, Y. (2008). Representations of the self in the near and distant future. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95, 757-773.

Wakslak, C. J., Trope, Y., Liberman, N., & Alony, R. (2006). Seeing the forest when entry is unlikely: Probability and the mental representation of events. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 155, 641-653.

Ward, T .B. (1995). What's new about old ideas. In S. M. Smith, T. B. Ward, & R. A. Finke (Eds.), The creative cognition approach (pp. 157-178). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Watkins, E., Moberly, N. J., & Moulds, M. L. (2008). Processing mode causally influences emotional reactivity: Distinct effects of abstract versus concrete construal on emotional response. Emotion, 8, 364-378.

Wegner, D. M., & Vallacher, R. R. (1986). Action identification. In R. M. Sorrentino & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Handbook of motivation and cognition (pp. 550-582). New York: Guilford Press.

Created by Dr Simon Moss on 18/10/2008

Free Personality Tests : Relationships - Personality - Beliefs - Wellbeing - Attitudes - Behaviour - Cognitive Abilities