Psychological reactance theory

Overview

Psychological reactance is an aversive affective reaction in response to regulations or impositions that impinge on freedom and autonomy (Brehm, 1966, 1972, Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Wicklund, 1974). This reaction is especially common when individuals feel obliged to adopt a particular opinion or engage in a specific behavior.

Specifically, a perceived diminution in freedom ignites an emotional state, called psychological reactance, that elicits behaviors intended to restore this autonomy (Brehm, 1966, 1972, Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Wicklund, 1974). Reactance, for example, often encourages individuals to espouse an opinion that opposes the belief or attitude they were encouraged, or even coerced, to adopt. As a consequence, reactance often augments resistance to persuasion (Brehm & Brehm, 1981). Reactance was proposed to explain many common examples of resistance in society, such as the adverse effects of prohibition.

Causes of reactance

Reactance is experienced whenever a free behavior is restricted (Brehm, 1966, 1972, Brehm & Brehm, 1981&; Wicklund, 1974). A free behavior, in this context, is any act or choice that individuals could undertake now or very soon. Free behaviors that are perceive as especially important--that is more important than other free behaviors--evoke appreciable reactance if thwarted. In addition, when a broader range of free behaviors are restricted, reactance rises considerably.

Language and reactance

Research indicates that some linguistic features seem to evoke the perception that free behavior might be curtailed, eliciting psychological reactance. In particular, language that is dogmatic, sometimes referred to as controlling (Miller, Lane, Deatrick, Young, & Potts, 2007) or explicit (Grandpre, Alvaro, Burgoon, Miller, & Hall, 2003), provokes reactance. To illustrate, as shown by Quick and Stephenson (2008), dogmatic messages were perceived as more threatening, which provoked reactance, anger, and unfavorable thoughts. The dogmatric messages include:

• Imperatives, such as "must" or "need"


• Absolute allegations, such as "cannot deny that..." or "This issue is extremely serious"


• Derision towards other perspectives, such as "Any reasonable person would agree that..."


• Threatening warnings rather than merely impartial, objective information (Bushman, 1998)

In contrast, messages that are less dogmatic do not provoke this sequence of reactions. These messages are more likely to include:

• Allusions to choice, such as "You have a chance to..." or "We leave the choice to you..."


• Qualified propositions, such as "There is some evidence that..." or "This issue is fairly serious"


• Impartial, objective information (Bushman, 1998)


• Avoidance of imperatives or derisive language

Many other studies have also confirmed that dogmatic language can promote reactance. For example, several studies have shown that dogmatic language, intended to curb alcohol use, provokes reactance (e.g., Rains & Turner, 2007).

Quick and Stephenson (2008) also showed that vivid language, in which perceptual features are described to form a graphic image, can also provoke a sense of threat and thus psychological reactance. Furthermore, for individuals who report elevated levels of trait reactance or sensation seeking, dogmatic language was especially likely to promote reactance when the message was vivid rather than pallid.

Individual differences

Recent studies indicate that sensitivity towards reactance does vary across individuals.

Dowd, Wallbrown, Sanders, and Yesenosky (1994), for example, showed that individuals who embrace autonomy as well as exhibit denial, dominance, independence, and mistrust are more inclined to experience psychological reactance. These findings align with the proposition, formulated by Burgoon, Alvaro, Grandpre, and Voloudakis (2002), that reactance should be more pervasive in individuals who seek autonomy and feel their are competent and informed enough to choose their own courses of action.

Individuals who are not espcecially sensitive to infringements upon their freedom are more receptive to more directive or dogmatic individuals. For example, Karno and Longabaugh (2005) undertake a study on clients seeking support to redress their alcoholism. Clients who exhibited trait reactance were less likely to curb their alcohol consumption when their counsellors were directive-confronting these individuals, initiating topics, imparting facts, interpreting comments, addressing resistance, and asking leading questions-rather than less directive. However, clients who exhibited low levels of trait reactance changed their behavior even when the counsellors were directive.

Physical space

In addition to verbal communication, the physical characteristics of an environment can also provoke a form of reactance, as maintained by Levav and Zhu (2009). For example, when individuals feel their personal space is confined, they seem to demonstrate some manifestations of reactance. In particular, they tend to select unfamiliar or diverse products--selections that, arguably, represent a motive to demonstrate independence. This pursuit of independence might represent a response to reactance.

To illustrate, in the first study conducted by Levav and Zhu (2009), participants walked down either a narrow or wide aisle. At the end of this aisle was six bowls of candy bars, including Snickers, Twix, and Kit Kat. Participants were asked to choose three candy bars.

Participants who walked down the narrow aisle were more likely to choose three different bars. Participants who walked down the wide aisle often chose the same product three times. When physical space is constrained, individuals tends to feel encumbered (e.g., Meyers-Levy & Zhu, 2007). As a consequence, they seek independence, manifested as variety.

In a subsequent study, a confined space increased the likelihood that individuals would donate money to an unfamiliar, rather than renowned, charity. The confined space, in this study, thus encouraged individuals to engage in uncommon acts to seek independence (cf Kim & Drolet, 2007). Furthermore, this effect was mediated by feelings of confinement but not positive or negative affect (Levav & Zhu, 2009).

The third study demonstrated these effects do represent a response to reactance. Specifically, in this study, participants also completed the Hong Psychological Reactance Scale (Hong & Faedda, 1996) to assess the extent to which they are sensitive to reactance. A typical item is "When something is prohibited, I usually think 'That's exactly what I am going to do'". Interestingly, if participants reported a sensitivity to reactance, a confined space was especially likely to broaden the diversity of products they selected (Levav & Zhu, 2009).

In the fourth study, confinement was primed. For example, some participants were asked to unscramble sentences, many of which alluded to confinement (see Sentence unscrambling task). Other participants unscrambled sentences that did not refer to confinement. Allusions to confinement increased the diversity of their choices on a subsequent task.

Other studies also indicate that confined spaces elicit reactance. To illustrate, market researchers often approach consumers in the street, asking whether or not they are willing to answer some questions. When the distance between these individuals diminishes, refusals are more likely (Wicklund, 1974).

These studies present some important practical implications. If organizations want to sell an unfamiliar product, for example, they should attempt to promote these items in a crowded store.

Consequences and implications of reactance

As the level of reactance rises, the motivation to reestablish freedom increases accordingly. This response can emerge even if individuals are not aware of this affective state.

Reactance can evoke a series of reactions. First, and perhaps most strikingly, reactance can provoke behaviors that oppose the rules or courses of action that were imposed and encouraged (Buller, Borland, & Burgoon, 1998). Specifically, individuals often show boomerang effects, in which they become more inclined to enact the very behavior that was restricted (Brehm, 1966). Alternatively, they might engage in acts that are similar, but different, to the behavior that has been restricted, such as smoke more often after drugs are prohibited, called related boomerang effects (see Quick & Stephenson, 2007; Quick & Stephenson, 2008).

Second, other similar individuals can also reestablish this sense of freedom. For example, consider a person who cannot engage in a particular act, such as smoke a cigarette. A close friend who enacts a similar behavior, such as smoke marijuana, partly restores the sense of freedom, diminishing reactance, called indirect restoration (Brehm & Brehm, 1981) or vicarious boomerang effects (see Quick & Stephenson, 2007; Quick & Stephenson, 2008).

Third, reactance promotes unfavorable attitudes towards the behavior or proposal that has been imposed, such as a prohibition on smoking (see Dillard & Shen, 2005; Rains & Turner, 2007). For example, prohibitions on smoking might foster adverse attitudes towards these restrictions. Likewise, the message itself might be perceived as flawed or misguided (e.g., Quick & Stephenson, 2007).

Finally, reactance provokes adverse attitudes towards the source of any restriction. That is, individuals who prohibit some free behavior are regarded unfavorably (Miller, Lane, Deatrick, Young, & Potts, 2007).

Therapeutic consequences

In therapeutic contexts, reactance can reduce the efficacy of interventions. For example, interventions to reduce alcoholism tend to be less effective if clients manifest signs of reactance--such as interupt or argue with the clinician (Miller, Lane, Deatrick, Young, & Potts, 2007). Likewise, family therapy is also less likely to be effective, as rated by therapists, when clients manifest signs of reactance (Chamberlain, Patterson, Reid, Kavanagh, & Forgatch, 1984).

Counsellors who are directive-confronting their clients or employees, initiating topics, imparting facts, interpreting comments, addressing resistance, and asking leading questions-are sometimes more likely to provoke reactance, which compromises the efficacy of their interventions (Karno & Longabaugh, 2005). Nevertheless, some clients are less susceptible to reactance&&; that is, they are more obliging and acquiescent rather than dominant and authoritative in their lives. These individuals do not show appreciable reactance when counsellors are directive, and hence such directive behavior does not compromise the efficacy of interventions (Karno & Longabaugh, 2005).

Self talk

Sometimes, individuals essentially engage in conversations with themselves. They might attempt to motivate themselves, with aphorisms like "I will succeed".

These private conversations may comprise statements, like "I will exercise", or questions, like "Will I exercise?". Statements might promote reactance. That is, individuals might, inadvertently, reject their own aphorisms, especially if these messages seem dogmatic and dictatorial. In contrast, questions are less inclined to promote reactance. These messages are not as dogmatic or dictatorial (Senay, Albarracin, & Noguchi, 2010).

Senay, Albarracin, and Noguchi (2010) conducted some research to verify these assertions. In one study, for example, some participants wrote the phrase "Will I" 20 times. Some other participants wrote the phrase "I will" 20 times. Next, participants completed a task in which they needed to unscramble a series of words, like when and cause, to construct alternative terms, such as hewn and sauce. Relative to participants who wrote "I will" 20 times, participants who wrote "Will I" 20 times solved more of these words. Presumably, the phrase "Will I" evoked less reactance, fostering a sense of enjoyment, promoting persistence, and improving performance on the task.

In a subsequent study, after writing "I will" or "Will I" 20 times, participants were asked to specify the extent to which they plan to exercise next week. In addition, they reported the degree to which they experienced intrinsic motives to exercise rather than pressure or obligation. Participants who wrote the phase "Will I" 20 times intended to exercise more frequently--and this association was mediated by intrinsic motives (Senay, Albarracin, & Noguchi, 2010).

One of the implications of these findings, according to Senay, Albarracin, and Noguchi (2010), is that counselors should often ask their clients whether they plan to engage in some desirable behavior, such as forgive a friend who had acted offensively. Over time, clients might learn to ask questions to themselves, which can promote enjoyment and engagement in their tasks.

The licencing effect

In some contexts, when individuals are granted an opportunity to perform a desirable act, they subsequently become less inclined to behave appropriately. After individuals are granted an opportunity to express their aversion to sexual discrimination, they become more likely to exhibit prejudice on their next decision. That is, after they act desirably, individuals feel they have established their moral credentials (Monin & Miller, 2001). They do not feel the need to substantiate this identity again, called the licensing effect (see also Sachseva, Iliev, & Medin, 2009).

In a compelling study, conducted by Mazar and Zhong (2010), participants first visited an on-line store. For some participants, the store comprised a large proportion of green products--that is, products that are designed to conserve the environment. For other participants, the store comprised a small proportion of green products.

Participants then evaluated the products. Some participants merely evaluated the aesthetics of these products, however. Other participants evaluated which of these products they would like to purchase. Finally, all participants were granted $6 and told they could distribute a portion to another person.

If participants merely rated the aesthetics of these products, they were more likely to distribute money to another person--and thus act ethically--if they visited the store with many green products. The green products are associated with desirable values; hence, these products might have primed desirable and ethical behavior (Mazar & Zhong, 2010).

In contrast, if participants rated whether they would purchase the products, they were more inclined to distribute money to another person if they visited the store with many green products. In particular, these participants could readily maintain they would purchase many green products. They felt they had established their moral credentials. As a consequence, they no longer felt the need to substantiate their morals (Mazar & Zhong, 2010).

Mazar and Zhong (2010) conducted another study that was similar, except participants were subsequently granted an opportunity to cheat on a task. The same pattern of findings observed: If participants were granted an opportunity to maintain they would purchase many green products, they were more likely to cheat on a subsequent test.

Measurements of reactance

State reactance

Brehm (1966) felt that state reactance could not be measured. Nevertheless, Dillard and Shen (2005) developed a measure of state reactance. Their measure assumes that reactance is primarily conscious, thus amenable to self report, but entails a blend of emotional and cognitive processes. In particular, they presuppose that reactance entails two main components: anger, aggression, and hostility--often directed to the source of any restriction--and negative thoughts and cogntions (see Rains & Turner, 2007, for further validation of this operationalization).

Quick and Stephenson (2008), however, extended this approach, by also assessing whether or not individuals experience a perceived threat to their freedom, using a scale that comprises four items. That is, they argued the perceived threat should precede the anger and negative cognitions that reflect psychological reactance. Cronbach's alpha for this scale was .92.

Controversies

Sometimes, direct communication can be more effective, at least over a longer duration, as shown by Overall, Fletcher, Simpson, and Sibley (2008). In their study, romantic partners were videotaped attempting to change each other.

The strategies were coded as positive versus negative and direct versus indirect. For example, positive, direct attempts included rational, logical arguments. Positive, indirect attempts included seeking the perspective of partners, highlighting their qualities, and using humor. Negative direct attempts were more insistent, critical, demanding, and coercive, sometimes involving anger or other adverse emotions. Finally, negative indirect attempts were more subversive, manipulating the partner through guilt or tears, for example.

Initially, the direct strategies were unsuccessful. Over the next 12 months, partners were more likely to change if positive strategies had initially been used. Positive indirect strategies were initially perceived as most successful, but did not correspond to lasting benefits over the 12 month period. When direct communication was applied, individuals were more inclined to engage in the conversation, recognizing the gravity of this issue.

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Created by Dr Simon Moss on 18/10/2008

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