Fluency and the hedonic marking hypothesis

Overview

The hedonic marking hypothesis can explain some remarkable findings. Individuals, for example, prefer symbols, such as logos or shapes, that are very conspicuous and sharp. That is, they prefer shapes in which the color diverges from the background hue (see Reber, Winkielman, & Schwartz, 1998). In addition, articles that comprise primarily short, rather than long, words tend to be perceived as more credible (Oppenheimer, 2006). Furthermore, proverbs that rhyme are usually regarded as especially compelling (McGlone & Togfighbakhsh, 2000).

According to the hedonic marking hypothesis (Winkelman, Schwartz, Fazendeiro, & Reber, 2003), some objects, patterns, words, or messages are processed very fluently. To illustrate, a pattern that is particular conspicuous, or articles that comprise short words, can be recognized, understood, evaluated, and interpreted rapidly and fluently.

This sense of fluency biases the evaluations of these objects. In particular, fluency elicits positive affective states. These positive states are, usually, attributed to the objects. That is, these objects seem to elicit positive emotions. These positive emotions then influence the appraisals of these objects. For example, these objects might be perceived more favorably.

Evidence of hedonic marking of process fluency

Fluency and positive affect

A variety of studies have shown that fluency elicits positive affective states. One of the most compelling articles was published by Winkielman and Cacioppo (2001). In these studies, processing fluency was manipulated. For example, the duration over which stimuli appeared was varied; when the duration is prolonged, the stimuli are processed more fluently. The fluent stimuli were evaluated as more positive. Furthermore, these stimuli activated the zygomaticus muscles, which correspond to smiling, representative of positive affective states.

Attribution of positive affect to object

According to the hedonic marking hypothesis, fluency should bias judgments only if the positive affective state is attributed to the object. This contention was indeed substantiated by Topolinski and Strack (2009). In their study, sets of three words were presented in sequence. For half of these sets, the three words all related to the same term; for example, salt, deep, and foam are all, at least remotely, associated with sea. For the other sets, the three words, such as dream, ball, and book, did not relate to the same term. The task of participants was to decide, within half a second, whether or not the words are all associated with the same term. This limited time ensured that participants had to apply their intuition rather than identify the word explicitly.

In addition, while they completed this task, music was played in the background. The music was neither sad nor happy. Half of the participants were informed that music can affect the emotional reactions of individuals. The remaining participants did not receive this caution.

Participants often decided correctly whether or not the three words relate to a common fourth term. If participants had been told that music can shape their emotions, however, their performance tended to decline. According to Topolinski and Strack (2009), three words that relate to the same term are recognized more rapidly--an assumption they substantiated in a previous study. Words that are recognized rapidly elicit positive affect. This positive affect is then attributed to the set of items. Specifically, when individuals feel the items elicited positive affect, they assume the words must be related to a fourth term.

If participants are informed that music influences their emotions, they do not ascribe positive affect to these sets of words. Therefore, they cannot utilize their emotional state to decide whether the words relate to a fourth term. Their performance, therefore, declines (Topolinski & Strack, 2009).

These findings imply that fluency can elicit positive affective states, called core positive affect. This affect might be experienced as a subtle sensation, feeling, or vibe (e.g., Epstein, 1991, 1994). This sensation, if perceived as relevant, can then guide processing.

Determinants of fluency

Perceptual contrast

Objects or words that are more conspicuous tend to be processed more fluently, which in turn elicits positive affect and biases evaluations. Several procedures have been used to vary the extent to which items are conspicuous, such as the duration in which they are presented (Winkielman & Cacioppo, 2001) and the contrast with the background (e.g., Reber, Winkielman, & Schwartz, 1998).

Reber, Winkielman, and Schwartz (1998), for example, manipulated the color of various shapes. The colors were either very different or not very different from the background color. If the color diverged markedly from the background, the shapes were rated more positively. Furthermore, shapes were rated more positively if they appeared for a longer duration.

Similarly, Ling and van Schaik (2004) examined which hyperlinks individuals tend to choose when they scan a web page. Participants were more likely to select hyperlinks that were presented in bold and underlined than hyperlinks that were merely underlined. Presumably, hyperlinks that were bold and underlined were processed more fluently and thus perceived more favorably.

Words or sentences that are more salient than previous words or sentences are especially likely to be perceived as truthful. That is, the relative, rather than absolute, prominence of words or sentences are especially likely to affect evaluations (Hansen, Dechene, & Wanke, 2008).

In the study conducted by Hansen, Dechene, and Wanke (2008), participants read a series of statements, such as "Nut bread is healthier than potato bread". Participants could not readily ascertain whether these statements are true or false. These statements were presented in various colors, of diverse contrasts with the white background. Participants were asked to rate the likelihood they felt the sentences were true or false.

In general, sentences that appeared in a conspicuous color, like dark blue, were more likely to be rated as true (Hansen, Dechene, & Wanke, 2008). These sentences, however, were not more likely than other sentences to be rated as true if preceded by another conspicuous sentence (Hansen, Dechene, & Wanke, 2008). Hence, the increase in contrast, and not merely the contrast itself, is the main determinant of perceptual fluency.

Vividness

Vivid images of objects might also determine perceived fluency and, ultimately, bias evaluations. In a study conducted by Leboe and Ansons (2006), for example, a sequence of nouns, such as "cat", appeared alongside either a positive or negative word, like "pretty" or "murder". Participants were asked to ascertain whether or not this term that accompanied the noun was positive or negative, as rapidly as possible.

Before completing these tasks, participants formed vivid images of a subset of these nouns. If a noun had been imagined vividly before, positive words that accompanied this term were rapidly recognized as favorable. Negative words that accompanied this term, however, were not rapidly recognized as unfavorable. In contrast, if the noun had not been imagined vividly before, this disparity between positive and negative terms dissipated.

According to Leboe and Ansons (2006), when individuals form vivid images of a word, this item is subsequently processed more fluently. This fluency elicits positive affective states. These states diminish the capacity of individuals to recognize the valence of negative terms. That is, positive states reduce the sensitivity of individuals to negative characteristics.

Familiarity and repetition

Patterns or words that are familiar are also processed more fluently, eliciting positive affect. In a study, conducted by Oppenheimer (2006), participants read one of two passages. The two extracts were identical, except one of these passages comprised some longer words, many of which are used less frequently. If the passage comprised small and simple rather than long and infrequent words, participants were more likely to assume the author was credible and intelligent.

According to Oppenheimer (2006), the small and simple words were processed more fluently. This fluency activated positive affective states, which biases the evaluations of this passage.

Similarly, Howard (1997) showed that familiar phrases00that is, renowned proverbs--are perceived as more compelling than unfamiliar phrases. Interestingly, when the attention of participants was distracted, this effect of familiarity was especially pronounced. Presumably, familiar phrases elicit positive affect states. To evaluate these phrases, participants consider these emotional states only when their attention is distracted to another issue. When their attention is not distracted, these participants orient their thoughts towards the logic and rationality of the arguments, neglecting their intuitive or emotive states.

Finally, to manipulate fluency, many researchers vary the number of times a message is repeated. To illustrate, Nordhielm (2002) showed that participants are more likely to perceive a product as desirable if they watch an advertisement that promotes this product many, rather than a few, times. This repetition, presumably, increases the perceived fluency with which the information is processed. This fluency elicits positive affective states, which in turn bias evaluations of the product. Interestingly, this effect of repetition diminishes, and even reverses, in participants who direct their attention to the arguments in this advertisement. These participants, perhaps, do not utilize their intuitive feelings to judge the product.

Semantic coherence

Topolinski and Strack (2009) demonstrated that semantic coherence--that is, sets of words that are all related to the same term--can also elicit a sense of fluency. In this study, 72 sets of three words were presented in sequence. For half of these sets, the three words all related to the same term; for example, salt, deep, and foam are all, at least remotely, associated with sea. For the other sets, the three words, such as dream, ball, and book, did not relate to the same term. In addition, interspersed within these trials, was another 72 sets of three items; in these sets, however, one of the items was not a word.

The task of participants was merely to ascertain whether or not each set comprised three legitimate words, a variant of the classical lexical decision task. When the sets were coherent--that is, when the three words were related to the same term---articipants could more rapidly decide whether these items were legitimate words.

According to Topolinski and Strack (2009), these findings indicate that semantic coherence facilitates fluency. Conceivably, the three words, such as salt, deep, and foam, all partially activate the representation of a common term, such a sea. The representation of this common term, in turn, increases the activation level of the three words. The three words, therefore, can be recognized more rapidly. They can be processed more fluently.

Alternative explanations were also discarded. For example, the coherent words were no more related to each other than were the incoherent words (cf Bolte & Goschke, 2005, from where the sets were derived). The findings, therefore, do not merely represent semantic priming of the words within a set.

Furthermore, consistent with the hedonic marking hypothesis, semantic coherence was associated not only with fluency, but also with positive affective states. In the second study, as reported by Topolinski and Strack (2009), participants were again exposed to the same sets of three words. Furthermore, they were again asked to ascertain whether or not all the words in this set were legitimate. After each trial, however, another word appeared. The participants were asked to specify whether this word was positive or negative in tone.

After participants were exposed to a set of words that all relate to the same term, and were thus processed fluently, they could rapidly ascertain the valence of positive but not negative terms. Presumably, the coherent sets elicited positive states. As a consequence, participants were subsequently less sensitive to the adversities of negative words, consistent with the notion of affective priming (cf Fazio, 2001). In contrast, after participants were exposed to a set of words that do not relate to the same term, which obstructs fluency, they could rapidly ascertain the valence of negative terms as well.

Consistency with context

Several studies indicate that anticipated words or patterns are also processed fluently. In a study conducted by Whittlesea (1993), for example, participants evaluated the extent to which they like various items, like boat. On all trials, the item appeared as the last word of a sentence. Sometimes, the word could be predicted by the sentence, such as "The stormy sea tossed the BOAT". On other trials, the word could not be readily predicted by the sentence, such as "He saved up his money and bought a BOAT". Words that could be readily predicted were rated as more pleasant.

According to Whittlesea (1993), words that could be predicted by the sentence were processed more fluently. This fluency elicited positive affective states, which were then projected onto the word. Hence, the word was perceived as more positive or favorable.

Likewise, as McGlone and Togfighbakhsh (2000) showed, participants tend to feel that rhyming phrases, such as "Life is mostly strife", are more accurate descriptions of life than are other phrases, such as "Life is mostly struggle": Rhyming phrases are often processed more fluently; the final word is more predictable. This fluency then biases evaluations of the message.

In addition, as Lee and Labroo (2004) show, when the context or setting of an advertisement is related to the product, evaluations of this item are likely to be positive. To illustrate, consider an advertisement that needs to promote a specific brand of tomato sauce. The advertisement could portray a woman who seems depressed in a supermarket until, towards the end of this commercial, she stumbles across the tomato sauce and immediately feels content. In this instance, most of the scene is not strongly associated with tomato sauce.

Conversely, the advertisement could present a poster of tomato sauce and then a boy in a hamburger store. Finally, the boy might open this brand of tomato sauce. In this instance, images in the advertisement might activate representations of the sauce. This sauce is processed fluently, which elicits positive affect, and improves evaluations of the product.

Labels

Labels may also expedite fluency, called the name-ease effect (Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009). That is, some events, theories, or patterns are assigned labels, such as big bang theory. When labeled, these events, theories, or patterns may be processed more fluently.

In one study, for example, participants read a theory, which emphasizes that individuals strive to join groups that reconcile their need to belong with their need to be distinct. The name of this principle, optimal distinctiveness theory, was presented to some, but not all, participants. Participants were also asked to specify whether they felt the information was very easy or difficult to process, along a 7 point scale (see Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009).

If the theory had been named, participants were more inclined to feel the information was easy to process (Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009). To explain this finding, Labroo, Lambotte, and Zhang (2009) argued that some names summarize the content. Thus, when participants are exposed to a name, concepts and principles that are related to this label might be activated. These concepts and principles are thus more accessible. Individuals can readily process these concepts and principles, eliciting a sense of ease or fluency.

Alternatively, the label may become associated with the information. Individuals might associate the first sentence they read with this label, for instance. When they read the next sentence, the label continues to activate the first sentence. The various sentences, therefore, might be easier to integrate (for a related explanation, see Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009).

Regulatory fit

Finally, regulatory fit might also facilitate fluency (see Regulatory focus theory). That is if individuals focus their attention on desirable opportunities they could accrue in the future, called a promotion focus, they fluently process messages that highlight the potential gains they could enjoy. In contrast, if individuals focus their attention on undesirable possibilities they need to avoid more immediately, called a prevention focus, they fluently process messages that emphasize the potential losses they could evade (see Lee & Aaker, 2004).

Consequences of fluency

According to the hedonic marking hypothesis, fluency tends to elicit positive affect. This positive affect is often attributed to the object or pattern under consideration. This object or pattern is then evaluated positively.

Obviously, positive affective states can also affect other responses. For example, repetition and thus fluency can reduce the perceived threat of some message. As a consequence, messages that are not especially relevant are more likely to be disregarded, rather than heeded, if fluent, as shown by Claypool, Mackie, Garcia-Marques, Mclntosh, and Udal (2004). That is, participants might assume these messages are not threatening and thus could be disregarded.

Positive affect, evoked by fluency, can also affect other perceived properties of objects and patterns. This fluency increases the likelihood that an object or message is perceived as familiar (Whittlesea, 1993), valid (Reber & Schwartz, 1999), coherent (Topolinski & Strack, 2009), and clear (Whittlesea, Jacoby, & Girard, 1990).

Perceived importance

Usually, information that is processed fluently is perceived as more important. In a post hoc study, conducted by Labroo, Lambotte, and Zhang (2009), participants read an extract of a theory, which emphasized that individuals strive to join groups that reconcile their need to belong with their need to be distinct. The name of this principle, optimal distinctiveness theory, was disclosed to some, but not all, participants. Participants then rated the extent to which they perceive this information as easy to read and important.

When this theory was labeled, the information was perceived as easier to read. The label, therefore, augmented fluency. Importantly, when perceived as easier to read, the information was rated as more important (Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009).

Nevertheless, in some instances, fluency can reduce the perceived importance of some extract. Labroo, Lambotte, and Zhang (2009) again presented extracts of information, either with or without an accompanying title to manipulate fluency. Some participants were instructed to consider whether or not the information was easy to understand. Other participants were instructed to consider whether or not they could recall the information. Finally, all participants were instructed to specify whether they felt the information was important.

If participants reflected upon whether the information was easy to understand, the titles actually reduced the perceived importance of these extracts (Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009). Presumably, the titles facilitated the interpretation of this information. The information was thus processed effortlessly. Individuals tend to associate effortless analysis with trivial information. These individuals, thus, assumed the information was trivial.

If participants reflected upon whether the information was easy to memorize, the titles increased the perceived importance of these extracts (Labroo, Lambotte, & Zhang, 2009). The titles, most likely, facilitated the retrieval of this information. Individuals tend to assume that information that is easily retrieved is probably important. Indeed, they regard the celebrities whose names are easily to recall as more famous (e.g., Jacoby, Kelley, Brown, & Jasechko, 1989). These individuals, thus, presumed the information was significant.

Limitations of the hedonic marking hypothesis

Fluency enhanced the perceived applicability of primes

Hafner and Stapel (2010) showed that not all of the effects of fluency can be ascribed to positive affective states. In particular, according to Hafner and Stapel (2010), fluency might increase the extent to which individuals perceive a prime as informative or usable.

To demonstrate and clarify this possibility, participants first received sets of five words. Their task was to unscramble these words to generate sentences that comprised four of these words, called the sentence unscrambling task. For some participants, the sentences comprised desirable synonyms of thrifty, such as economical or careful. For other participants the sentences comprised undesirable symptoms of stingy, such as greedy or miserly. Alternatively, for some participants, the sentences comprised desirable synonyms of adventurous, such as brave and courageous. Finally, for the remaining participants, the sentences comprised undesirable synonyms of reckless, such as careless or rash.

In addition, for some participants, many of the sentences rhymed, which can facilitate fluency (cf McGlone & Togfighbakhsh, 2000). For other participants, the sentences did not rhyme.

Finally, participants completed a variant of the Donald paradigm. Specifically, they received information about a person, who was called Ralph in this study. Some of the information implied that Ralph was more thrifty than stingy. Other information implied that Ralph was more stingy than thrifty. Furthermore, whether Ralph was witty or sarcastic was also ambiguous. The task of participants was to evaluate the extent to which Ralph was thrifty, witty, persistent, and confident. They were also asked to indicate the confidence in their judgment.

Generally, in this paradigm, positive primes, such as exposure to words like economical or brave, will influence judgments on only overlapping attributes (Higgins, 1996; Higgins, Rholes, & Jones, 1977). For example, after exposure to words like economical, the target should be perceived as more thrifty but not necessarily more adventurous. Similarly, after exposure to words like brave, the target should be perceived as more adventurous, but not necessarily more thrifty. This pattern is observed provided the primes are moderate rather than extreme or specific rather than broad in scope, like "good" or "bad" (Stapel & Koomen, 2000).

Indeed, this pattern of observations was observed when the sentences did not rhyme. In this instance, for example, exposure to words like economical or cautious increased the likelihood that Ralph was perceived as thrifty. Words like adventurous and bold, however, did not affect judgments on this attribute (Hafner & Stapel, 2010).

When the sentences rhymed, however, the pattern of observations was transformed. Even primes that were irrelevant to the attribute under consideration influenced the ratings. Words like bold, if embedded within a sentence that rhymes, increased the likelihood that individuals were perceived as thrifty rather than stingy.

According to Hafner and Stapel (2010), primes that are processed fluently are assumed to be relevant or applicable. When the word "bold" is processed fluently, this word is assumed to be germane to judgments of whether Ralph is thrifty or stingy. Because "bold" is a positive term, Ralph is regarded as thrift rather than stingy--a more desirable trait.

When other procedures were used to manipulate fluency, the same pattern of results was discovered. For example, in the second study, some participants read primes that were presented in a mixture or upper and lower case as well as a variety of fonts, which impedes fluency. Other participants read primes that appeared in uppercase and one font (cf., Reber, Wurtz, & Zimmermann, 2004) to enable fluent processing. Again, primes that were processed fluently affected judgments on unrelated attributes (Hafner & Stapel, 2010).

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Created by Dr Simon Moss on 24/12/2009

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