Meaning in life

Overview

Some individuals experience a sense of meaning in their life or work. Such experiences tend to correspond to wellbeing. Importantly, this sense of meaning arises in individuals who are very aware of their true self--characteristics they possess but can always express, for some reason.

Antecedents to meaning in life

True self

Schlegel, Hicks, Arndt, and King (2009) showed that individuals who are more aware of their true self--the traits, qualities, interests, preferences, tendencies, and flaws they possess but seldom express or demonstrate in life, except with their closest friends perhaps--are more likely to experience meaning in life. That is, some individuals might, for example, experience a fascination with lizards, espouse various supernatural causes, and enjoy cartoons but, for some reason, feel obliged to curb these interests in most settings. Individuals who, perhaps despite curbing some of these tendencies, are aware of their true self are more inclined to experience meaning in life.

In particular, Schlegel, Hicks, Arndt, and King (2009) conducted a set of studies to assess accessibility of the true self. For example, some participants were instructed to specify ten words that reflect their true self, defined as characteristics they possess and would like to express but, for some reason, cannot always demonstrate. Other participants were instructed to specify ten words that reflect their actual self, defined as characteristics they possess and often express in social settings.

Either minutes or even weeks later, a series of items, which comprised these words as well as other adjectives, were presented on a screen. Participants had to decide as rapidly as possible whether these words apply to themselvses. Individuals who can rapidly recognize whether words that represent their true self apply to themselves are assumed to demonstrate more access to this true self.

These individuals were more likely to endorse items, such as I understand my life's meaning, indicating a clear sense of purpose and meaning. This relationship persisted even after the extent to which personal needs were satisfied was controlled. Hence, access to the true self correlates with meaning in life.

In other studies, conducted by Schlegel, Hicks, Arndt, and King (2009), true self was primed rather than measured. That is, some participants were again instructed to specify ten words that reflect their true self, defined as characteristics they possess and would like to express but, for some reason, cannot always demonstrate. Other participants were instructed to specify ten words that reflect their actual self, defined as characteristics they possess and often express in social settings.

Later, participants were asked to complete a lexical decision task, deciding upn whether a series of items represents words or non-words. Immediately before each of these items appeared, either words that represent the true self or actual self were presented subliminally. After participants were exposed to words that represent the true self, they were subsequently more inclined to endorse items that represent meaning in life.

When individuals are aware of their true self, which includes their genuine preferences and interests, they are more cognizant of why some behaviors and pursuits seem important and meaningful. In other words, the source of their meaning is more salient. When the source of meaning is more salient, their life feels more important and purposeful.

This perspective has been echoed by many other scholars. Debrats, Drost, and Hansen (1995) asked participants to describe a time when they felt their life was most meaningful or meaningless. Through content analyses, the authors discovered that meaning in life was often coincided with a sense of accessibility or contact with the self--such as when they felt close to their feelings and divorced from societal expectations or obligations.

Intuition

As Hicks, Cicero, Trent, Burton, and King (2010) demonstrated, a reliance on intuition, if coupled with positive affect, can instill a sense of meaning. In one study, for example, participants were asked to specify the extent to which they trust their hunches, feelings, and intuitions. Next, they indicated the extent to which they experience positive or negative emotions. Finally, they read various passages or observed abstract art and, then, were asked to specify the extent to which these pieces instilled a sense of meaning. For example, they were asked "How much does the passage make sense?". Trust in intuition was positively related to meaning, but only when participants experienced positive emotions. A subsequent study confirmed this finding, except the measure of meaning was different: Participants specified the extent to which events like Hurricane Katrina confirm what they know about human nature.

To explain these findings, Hicks, Cicero, Trent, Burton, and King (2010) maintained that positive moods facilitate the application of intuition. That is, if individuals prefer to utilize their intuition to reach decisions, positive mood states can facilitate this attempt. Hence, the combination of a preference towards intuition and positive mood evokes intuitive processes. These intuitive processes enable individuals to appreciate the broader implications of various events, translating to a sense of meaning. Consistent with this proposition, the capacity to identify associations between three words that are remotely associated with each other was positively related to intuition, but only when positive affect was elevated (Hicks, Cicero, Trent, Burton, & King, 2010).

Transformational leadership

Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, and McKee (2007) argued that transformational leaders promote meaning in life, at least in the context of work. Transformational leaders promulgate an inspiring vision of the future and offer followers the support to pursue this direction (Burns, 1978). In particular, transformational leaders inspire followers to pursue motives that transcend the self, which connects their work to more enduring and meaningful endeavors (Burns, 1978; Bass, 1985). Hence, each work task and activity is infused with a sense of moral purpose and commitment (Shamir, House, & Arthur, 1993). Second, transformational leaders offer positive cues towards followers, which highlights the importance and significance of this work (Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee, 2007).

Indeed, several studies have shown empirical relationships between transformational leadership and meaning at work (e.g., Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee, 2007). Transformational leadership is associated with a belief that work confers a higher meaning, transcending the mere need to accumulate money (Sparks & Schenk, 2001). Likewise, transformational leadership is associated with a decline in work alienation, which partly reflects whether individuals feel their job relates to a broader purpose (Sarros, Tanewski, Winter, Santora, & Densten, 2002).

Work characteristics

In addition to leadership, various characteristics of the job itself can increase the likelihood that individuals experience a sense of meaning at work. The seminal job characteristics model, developed by Hackman and Oldham (1980), argued that work is meaningful if individuals are granted sole responsibility to complete specific tasks, called identity, that are important to the overall functioning of the organziation, called signficance, and entails variety. Adequate feedback and autonomy also impart this sense of meaning.

Indeed, transformational leaders often cultivate organizations in which these job characteristics are prevalent. Thus, transformational leadership might increase meaning by fostering suitable job characteristics (Piccolo & Colquitt, 2006).

Logotherapy

Many therapeutic interventions have been developed specifically to foster a sense of meaning and purpose in life. Logotherapy, for example, promulgated by Frankl (1959, 1963), is intended to assist individuals seek meaning in life, thus, facilitating a recognition of their genuine purpose, divorced from social forces and obligations. Frankl derives may of his insights from his experiences of the holocaust--and the perspectives he developed to survive. According to Frankl, in previous eras, tradition, religion, and other community structures conferred a sense of meaning in life, clarifying the direction and purpose of individuals. Because these structure have partly eroded, individuals must assume the responsibility to seek meaning themselves, to circumvent an existential vaccuum.

Logotherapy is derived from the Greek word logo, which connates meaning. Specifically, logotherapy entails several key tenets (for more information, see Crumbaugh, 1980, 1981; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964; Crumbaugh, Wood, & Wood, 1980; DuBois, 2007). First, life can always be imbued with meaning, even in miserable circumstances. Second, our primary motivation to live is to derive meaning from life. Third, individuals can always seek and find meaning in their experiences and activities.

According to Frankl, meaning can be derived from three sources. First, individuals can derive meaning from acting altruistically--that is, by enacting virtuous deeds. Second, individuals can derive meaning from experience a key value, such as nature, art, and love. Thurd, individuals can derive meaning from suffering. In contrast, hedonism and materialism, for example, tend to distract from this pursuit of meaning.

Logotherapy is also the origin of paradoxical intention in which individuals attempt to foster the very experiences they really want to avoid, such as anxiety (see Ascher & Schotte, 2006; Fabry, 1982; Frankl, 1975; Yoder, 1994). In particular, according to Frankl, many individuals experience anxieties about a forthcoming event, such as a public speech. As a consequence, they often form hyper-intentions--which is an intention to fulfill some unattainable goal, such as avoid all signs of anxiety while speaking. This unattainable goal merely magnifies the anxiety and inflates the problem. A logotherapist would recommend that partcipants deliberately attempt to amplify their symptoms, which curbs the anticipatory anxiety.

Logotherapy is used to treat many illnesses. In particular, regimes have been created to treat anxiety (e.g., Rogina, 2002), depression (e.g., Ungar, 2002), mood disorder because of medical conditions (Henrion, 2004), borderline personality (Rodrigues, 2004), drinking problems (Crumbaugh, 1980, 1981), relationship dysfunction (Winters, 2002), and PTSD (Southwick, Gilmartin, McDonough, & Morrissey, 2006).

Logotherapy is not intended to complement not supercede other interventions. For example, logotherapy is often combined with rational emotive therapy (e.g., Hutchinson & Chapman, 2005) and acceptance and commitment therapy (e.g., (Sharp, Schulenberg, Wilson, & Murrell, 2004; Sharp, Wilson, & Schulenberg, 2004).

Socratic dialogue is often applied to derive meaning (Fabry, 1994; Guttmann, 1996; Hutzell, 1990). That is, the therapist asks a series of questions to clients, intended to facilitate an exploration of personal life meanings--that is, their purposes, direction, mission, and values. Next, questions explore how these purposes are pursued. The questions are also intended to highlight the many choices that are available to pursue this meaning. If clients are currently experiencing an acute issue, the therapist might ask the person about how they acted in response to similar situations in the past, intended to prompt other meaningful pursuits, values, thoughts, and motivations that could be applied to this situation.

Logotherapy techniques

Apart from Socratic dialogue and paradoxical intention, logotherapists practice a variety of other techniques. One of the most popular is logoanalysis, developed by Crumbaugh (1973), and validated by Hutzell and colleagues (Hutzell, 1983, Hutzell & Eggert, 1989; Hutzell & Jerkins, 1995). This technique is often applied to individuals who experience boredom and apathy, reflecting inadequate meaning in life--a state that often evolves into transgressions, distress, and addictions. Logoanalysis entails a systematic sequence of of mental and written exercises, intended to set a direction in life and formulate achievable goals to pursue this meaning. The meaning of life evaluation scale, for example (Crumbaugh & Henrion, 2004; Henrion, 2001), enables individuals to recognize their hierarchy of meaningful values. Pairs of values are chosen from a set of 20 examples, including friendship, accetpance, and health. Individuals select the value that is most important to their life--and the 5 key priorities are identified.

Second, the mountain range exercise was developed by Ernzen (1990), although first broached by Frankl (1986). A mountain range is drawn. The participants specify individuals who are important to them on the peaks, such as family, friends, celebrities, managers, and so forth. Participants are then asked to specify what facets they share in common with these individuals. This activity is intended to identify qualities in themselves they admire and clarifies their values (see also Pattakos, 2004, for an application to the workplace).

Third, in the movies exericse, discussed by Schulenberg (2003), participants are first asked to construct the outline of a movie about their life thus far. Next, they are asked to construct a movie about their life from now into the future. Features of the movies are discussed, such as the genre, the likely actors, the title, the budget, the twist, and so forth. Discussion of this movie enables individuals to reflect upon their key experiences, formation of their identity, and important relationships, all intended to clarify personal meaning.

Fourth, in the family shoebox game, propounded by Lantz (1993), a family is presented with a shoebox, tape, scissors, and magazines. They are instructed to adhere magazine pictures to the shoebox, all intended to represent family values and meanings. The outside of this box, however, represents values and meanings that are presented or demonstrated to individuals outside this family. The inside of this box, in contrast, represents values and meanings of special significance to the family. This task is designed to facilitate the communication about values and meaning. The capacity to community and understand these values is assumed to stimulate activities that further guide the family members towards this shared meaning and direction.

Social exclusion

Many studies indicate that social exclusion can diminish a sense of meaning in life (e.g., Stillman, Baumeister, Lambert, Crescioni, DeWall, & Fincham, 2009). In one paradigm, for example, individuals complete a computer activity, called Cyberball. The individuals are informed, albeit incorrectly, they are completing this task with other participants, but in separate locations, tossing a graphical representation of a ball to each other. In one condition, the participant is excluded.

When participants are excluded, their sense of meaning in life dissipates. That is, they perceive the task as less meaningful (e.g., Zadro, Williams, & Richardson, 2004; see also Sommer, Williams, Ciarocco, & Baumeister, 2001). Furthermore, if social anxiety is elevated, this sense of exclusion also curbs a sense of meaning 45 minutes later (Zadro, Boland, & Richardson, 2006).

Other manipulations of social exclusion also thwart a sense of meaning. In one study, for example, participants answered some interview questions (Stillman, Baumeister, Lambert, Crescioni, DeWall, & Fincham, 2009). Their answers were recorded on video and this video was distributed to someone else, who was not in the room. To elicit a sense of social exclusion, some participants were then informed this person did not want to meet them. This feedback subsequently reduced meaning, as reflected by questions like "Right now, how meaningful does your life feel?" (Stillman, Baumeister, Lambert, Crescioni, DeWall, & Fincham, 2009).

Furthermore, in another study, feelings of loneliness, representing social exclusions, were correlated with a limited sense of meaning (Stillman, Baumeister, Lambert, Crescioni, DeWall, & Fincham, 2009). Specifically, social exclusion was inversely related to four distinct needs that underpin meaning: purpose, efficacy, value, and self-worth (Stillman, Baumeister, Lambert, Crescioni, DeWall, & Fincham, 2009). Thus, when individuals feel excluded, many of their purposes in life might be obstructed. Their sense of efficacy or control can also dissipate. The extent to which they feel valuable declines--which in turn can reduce their feelings of self worth.

Fundamental needs

According to Baumeister (1991), to experience a sense of meaning, four fundamental needs should be fulfilled. First, individuals seek a sense of purpose--a sense their ongoing activities are germane to some future outcome. Their immediate events, therefore, are meaningful to future environments. Second, individuals seek a sense of efficacy or control. They want to feel their actions can affect the environment. Third, individuals want to feel their actions are valuable or moral. They need to feel they have fulfilled some moral standard or code. Fourth, individuals need to feel worthy. That is, they want to feel they have developed desirable traits.

Consequences of meaning in life

Wellbeing

Some researchers regard meaning of life as a constituent or manifestation of eudamonic wellbeing. That is, the need to derive meaning from events is regarded as a fundamental human motive (Britt, Adler, & Bartone, 2001). As a consequence, individuals are more inclined to embrace stressful events, recognize the benefits of such episodes (Britt, Adler, & Bartone, 2001)

Other researchers regard meaning of life as an antecedent or correlate of wellbeing (see Savolaine & Granello, 2002; Zika & Chamberlain, 1992). Melton and Schulenberg (2008) showed that meaning in life correlates positively to mood stability and sociable behavior but negatively to distress.

Meaning at work, for example, seems to be a core determinant of engagement. Individuals who feel their work relates to a higher purpose, for example, are more satisfied at work and also devote more effort to their job (Sparks & Schenk, 2001). They also regard their unit as more cohesive (Sparks & Schenk, 2001).

Meaningful conversations, rather than trivial chatter, is also associated with well-being, as shown by Mehl, Vazire, Holleran, and Clark (2010). In this study, 300 participants wore an Electronically Activated Recorder for 4 days. This instrument records ambient noise, including conversations, for 30 s every 12.5 minutes. Participants also completed a satisfaction with life scale and a happiness measure, intended to gauge well-being. They also assessed a measure of personality.

Later, another set of individuals coded the conversations. Some of the conversations were classified as small talk--uninvolved, banal discussions in which only trivial information was exchanged. Other conversations were classified as substantive in which meaningful information was exchanged. Happier individuals were significantly more likely to engage in substantive, rather than trivial, conversations. This relationship persisted even after personality was controlled (Mehl, Vazire, Holleran, & Clark, 2010).

Meaningless is also associated with many destructive behaviors. For example, meaningless is related to substance abuse (Newcomb & Harlow, 1986). Similarly, when meaning of life is limited, other mood disturbances are more likely, manifesting as suicidal ideation (Harlow, Newcomb, & Bentler, 1986) and depression (Mascaro & Rosen, 2005) rather than positive affect (Hicks & King, 2007) and happiness (Debats, van der Lubbe, & Wezeman, 1993).

Bereavement and loss

Many scholars argue that pursuit of meaning is a vital process to recovery after bereavement, loss, or adversity (e.g., Affleck & Tennen, 1996; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Parkes & Weiss, 1983). In particular, Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema, and Larson (1998) distinguished two forms of meaning: making sense of and event and recognizing the benefits of some experience. Making sense of a loss or adversity includes ascribing the problem to some cause--their lifestyle or God, for example, Recognizing the benefits includes changing goals and a new sense of self or appreciation of life.

Making sense of a loss is especially important in predicting emotional recovery during the first year after a loss. In contrast, recognizing the benefits of some experience predict adjustment between 13 and 18 months after a loss.

Terror management theory

From the perspective of terror management theory, Simon, Arndt, Greenberg, Pyszczynski, and Solomon (1998) argued that meaning in life overcomes the anxiety that coincides with existential angst. That is, when individuals are cognizant of their mortality, they experience a profound sense of angst, because their life and goals seem so futile. The formulation of meaning and purpose in life curbs this angst. In particular, individuals become connected to a cause, purpose, mission, and meaning that can persist even when their material body declines, conferring a sense of symbolic immortality. Such meaning in life counters existential angst

To examine this perspective, in a study conducted by Simon, Arndt, Greenberg, Pyszczynski, and Solomon (1998), some depressed individuals were asked to reflect upon their mortality. Only a portion of these individuals were granted the opportunity to defend their worldviews. This opportunity enhanced their perceived meaning in life. This finding indicates that many defense mechanisms ultimately redress angst by conferring a sense of meaning.

Measures of meaning in life

Meaning in life questionnaire

The meaning in life questionnaire, a relatively short measure, was developed by Stager and Frazier (2005). The questionnaire comprises two subscales: search for meaning and presence of meaning. The presence of meaning subscale, which comprises five items, represents the extent to which individuals feel their life is already purposeful and meaningful. Typical items include I understand my life's meaning or My life has no clear purpose (reverse coded). Psychometric properties, including test retest reliability, have been established convincingly.

The search for meaning subscale represents the extent to which individuals are seeking purpose and meaning.

Purpose in life test

Another similar measure was developed by Crumbaugh and Maholik (1964). Typical items include In life, I have very clear goals and aims and I regard my ability to find a meaning, purpose, or mission in life to be very great. These two items, together with My personal existence is very purposeful and meaningful and I have clear goals and a satisfying purpose in life, were the four questions used by Schlegel, Hicks, Arndt, and King (2009). This scale has been used extensively (e.g., Hicks & King, 2007, 2008) and is highly correlated with presence of meaning in the meaning of life questionnaire (r = .79).

Other scales have also been developed. Chamberlain and Zika (1988) assesses some of these scales (see also Debats, 1998).

Other dimensions of meaning

Poumlhlmann, Gruss, and Joraschky (2006) developed another approach, in which quantitative indices were derived from qualitative answers, to gauge four facets of meaning of life. These indices assessed:

• The accessibility of knowledge that relates to meaning
• The differentiation of this knowledge
• Elaboration of personal meaning systems
• Coherence of these systems

Differentiation, elaboration, and coherence were positively related to measures of health, wellbeing, and life satisfaction. These three indices were also elevated in theology students relative to science students.

This measure comprised several phases: First, participants were granted five minutes to transcribe every element, experience, or belief that conferred a sense of meaning to their life. Second, they were granted two minutes to rank these answers in order of importance. Third, participants were granted five minutes to show how these elements are related to one another.

These elements were assigned to eight different domains: relationships, jobs or schooling, wellbeing, pleasure, self actualization, altruism or service, beliefs, and material possessions. To estimate the four indices:

• The number of elements mentioned represented accessibility of knowledge
• The number of meaning categories represented differentiation
• The number of connections mentioned between these categories represented elaboration
• Global ratings of integration, as rated by judges, represented coherence.

Meaning at work

Some scales have been developed to assess meaning in particular domains, such as work.

A scale developed by Ashmos and Duchon (2000), called the workplace spirituality scale, assesses the degree to which work confers a sense of meaning and purpose. Some examples of the six items include I see a connection between my work and the larger social good of my communityas well as The work I do is connected to what I think is important in my life. The level of internal consistency is .84. This scale is correlated with measures of wellbeing (Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee, 2007)

Related perspectives

Quests for significance and suicide bombers

Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, and Orehek (2009) maintain that suicide bombing might represent the pursuit of meaning, which they refer to as a quest for significance. In particular, these authors argued that all individuals seek personal significance--an aspiration or cause that transcends their own immediate, personal needs. Suicidal terrorism might fulfil this need (e.g., Crenshaw, 2007).

Indeed, suicide bombing entails features that could bestow this sense of significance. For example, these individuals might be perceived as heroes or martyrs; their actions, thus, are maintained in the collective memory of their collective. Their identity is thus immortal rather than transient, which reinforces or reinforces their significance (see Elster, 2005).

In addition, martyrdom, called Shahadat in jihadist ideology, is assumed to attract endless and enduring pleasure (Hafez, 2006). In other words, the ideology of a culture might translate a quest for significance in individuals into a willingness to sacrifice their lives.

From this perspective, several factors might increase the likelihood of suicide bombing. First, when the mortality of individuals is often highlighted, suicide bombing should become more probable. That is, according to terror management theory (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, Solomon, Rosenblatt, Veeder, Kirkland, & Lyon, 1990), an awareness of mortality should evoke this pursuit of significance (see Terror management theory)--and thus might incite suicide terrorism in some individuals.

Consistent with this perspective, in a comprehensive analysis of interviews with associates of Chechen suicide terrorists, Spekhard and Akhmedova (2005) showed that family traumas had changed the lives of these radicals. Over 80% of these individuals had lives secular lives until a family member was killed or tortured. In almost 50% of these instances, two or more family members had been killed. These events underscore mortality and thus could evoke this quest for significance.

The quest for significance can alleviate the anxiety and angst that death provokes. Aligned to this proposition, Durlak (1972) showed that purpose in life is indeed inversely related to fear of death. Similarly, when meaning is infringed, after a sense of belonging dissipates, individuals are more likely to be distracted with thoughts about death (Mikulincer, Florian, Birnbaum, & Malishkevich, 2002).

Second, suicide bombing should be more prevalent when the perceived significance of individuals is compromised--when they experience isolation or dislocation, for example (Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, & Orehek, 2009). Certainly, anecdotal evidence vindicates this argument. Wafa Adris, the first female suicide terrorist in Palestine, was infertile. She was motivated to demonstrate her pride and purpose in life (Pedahzur, 2004). Another female suicide bomber was shunned after rumors of extramarital sex (Pedahzur, 2004).

Third, when individuals feel they are victim of injustice, suicide bombing should become more likely. Injustice is often conceptualized as a signal of disrespect or disdain. Hence, individuals feel they are perceived as inferior or insignificant (Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, & Orehek, 2009). Many suicide terrorists, indeed, do feel they were targets of discrimination (Sageman, 2004). They feel they or their collectives are not granted the religious rights (e.g., Hafez, 2007) or civil rights (Pape, 2005), such as respect, they deserve.

Several authors, such as Bloom (2009), have challenged the proposition that a quest for significance underpins suicidal terrorism. First, according to Bloom (2009), the theory does not explain--at least not convincingly--why only a minute number of individuals ever evolve to become suicide bombers. That is, the mortality of many individuals is underscored; other events also undermine their significance; they are often exposed to ideologies that convert this quest into suicide. Yet, suicide bombing does remain relatively infrequent.

Nevertheless, Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, and Orehek (2009) does highlight that a quest for significance will translate into suicidal terrorism only in specific circumstances. In particular, suicidal terrorism will emerge only when individuals perceive their collective to be subject to acute dangers, demanding an extreme response (see also

Second, this theory attempt to impute terrorist acts to individual factors--perhaps neglecting the key role of contextual properties (cf. Bloom, 2009; Gill, 2007). Nevertheless, in conflict with these concerns, this theory does assume the context underpins the evolution of ideologies that vindicate suicide.

Third, the empirical evidence that underpins this theory has been challenged. Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, and Orehek (2009), for example, scrutinized videos, accumulated by the Middle East Media Research Institute and the Palestinian Media Watch. They highlighted that many suicidal terrorists had previously referred to significant pursuits, such as oppression, vengeance, crusades, honor, and so forth. Bloom (2009) highlighted the sources of these videos represent anti-Palestinian organizations, which could bias the sample of sources that were accumulated. Nevertheless, according to Kruglanski, Chen, Dechesne, Fishman, and Orehek (2009), this bias is unlikely to inflate the role of personal significance in these videos.

Fourth, the definition of personal significance is ambiguous. This concept was not delineated or demarcated definitively. Thus, almost any event can be conceptualized as an obstacle to significance. The theory, thus, cannot readily distinguish which factors will provoke terrorist behavior (Bloom. 2009). Nevertheless, some other authors have defended this theory (e.g., Crenshaw, 2009; Post, 2009).

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Created by Dr Simon Moss on 28/01/2009

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